United States.
The general foreign policies of the United States did not undergo any great change during 1959. Indeed both President Eisenhower and secretaries of state Dulles and Herter repeatedly emphasized that the United States would continue to follow policies adopted and proclaimed in previous years. This policy was not affected by the death of Secretary Dulles (May 24), although differences of emphasis were noted after that time.
During fiscal year 1958-1959 foreign military aid amounted to $1.5 billion and economic aid reached the $4.5 billion figure. New arrangements were made in a few cases: with Sudan (agreement on May 22), Poland (agreement on June 10), and Burma (announced in Washington on July 6), all of these being cases of economic aid. Military aid was extended to the government of Laos (August 26, October 25). An agreement with Liberia for defense of that country in case of need was also concluded (July 8). An agreement with the Philippines was signed (October 12) renewing and revising arrangements concerning military bases and operations. Some progress was made in the direction of better relations with Indonesia and the United Arab Republic (U.A.R.); on the other hand, it was announced in Washington (October 31) that the United States would withdraw troops and military bases from Morocco in the near future.
Continued efforts were put forth in the direction of strengthening U.S. security and defense. Agreements were made with Canada for that country to take over the manning of the Distant Early Warning (DEW) line (announced January 19) designed to prevent any surprise attack across the region of the North Pole, and for co-operation with Canada in atomic defense (May 22). The United States continued to remain outside the Baghdad Pact Organization, which was renamed Central Treaty Organization (CENTO) on August 21, but the Ministerial Council of that organization met for general discussion and planning — military, political, and technical — in Washington (October 7-9).
Not as much was heard as before of disengagement or withdrawal of forces from Europe, but this did not mean that the subject had been forgotten; rather, it meant that the U.S. government definitely had no intention of acting along that line.
U.S. Relations with Great Britain.
Relations with Great Britain grew still stronger during the year, promoted specifically by British Prime Minister Macmillan's visit to Washington (March 19-23) and the president's visit to Great Britain (August 27-September 2). When in Great Britain, where it has been said that he received 'the biggest welcome ever accorded a visiting Head of State,' the president visited Queen Elizabeth and the Duke of Edinburgh at Balmoral (August 28), while Secretary of State Herter talked with Foreign Minister Selwyn Lloyd and numerous other officials. Herter talked also with the two Labour Party leaders, Hugh Gaitskell and Aneurin Bevan, but Gaitskell had to leave for a visit to Russia without seeing the president. The president spent two days with Prime Minister Macmillan and joined him (August 31) in an unprecedented television broadcast from 10 Downing Street that dealt with numerous international questions, including relations between the United States and Great Britain. As in all similar visits, no formal negotiations or agreements were forthcoming, but relations between the countries concerned — knowledge and understanding and even appreciation — were improved. When the president returned to Washington (September 7), having meantime been in Paris and Bonn, it was announced that 'all the Western leaders were united on basic principle and purpose in their pursuit of peace' and 'that every troublesome problem had been talked out.'
U.S. Relations with Western Europe.
No visitor from France appeared in Washington, although it was announced (September 6) that President de Gaulle had accepted President Eisenhower's invitation to visit the United States. However, President Eisenhower had visited Paris amid a warm reception (September 2-3). The president had previously made a similar visit to West Germany (August 26-27), where he and Secretary of State Herter talked with Chancellor Adenauer and Foreign Secretary von Brentano and other officials on the questions of disarmament, the situation in Berlin, German reunification, and European integration, including the North Atlantic Treaty Organization (NATO) and his visit to Great Britain. In Paris the president, along with Secretary Herter, conferred with President de Gaulle, Premier Debré, and Foreign Secretary Couve de Murville. The president also conferred with Italian Prime Minister Segni, who had come to Paris from Rome. In London, the president conferred with Foreign Minister Castiella of Spain, and letters were exchanged from and to Generalissimo Franco, who invited the president to visit Spain.
U.S. Relations with the U.S.S.R.
It was between the United States and Soviet Russia (U.S.S.R.) that visiting seemed for a time to reach its peak. Anastas Mikoyan, Soviet First Deputy Premier, visited the United States (January 4-20), unofficially, it was said, although he had conferences with the president, Secretary Dulles, and other high officials, without, of course, any agreements being concluded. Mikoyan's later reports to the press and the 21st Soviet Communist Party Congress (January 24 and 31) seemed to be very encouraging. Another Soviet First Deputy Premier, Frol Koslov, visited the United States later (June 28-July 13). Both visited not only Washington but various industrial and commercial centers as well, including the West Coast. The climax came with Nikita Khrushchev's visit (September 15-28). Although Khrushchev met privately with the president at Camp David, the president's lodge in the Maryland mountains, no formal agreements were concluded. But 'Mr. K.' did seem to have given rather definite assurances against any sudden or violent action over the Berlin problem and to have expressed himself in favor of renewed negotiations. Throughout the year Khrushchev continued to preach peace in the name of the 'spirit of Camp David,' although the Senate Subcommittee on Internal Security continued (November 9) to call in question Soviet motivation in 'cultural' exchanges and others queried the exact value of Khrushchev's utterances.
In the meantime Vice President Nixon had visited the U.S.S.R. (July 23-August 2) and Poland (August 2-5). Washington had announced (August 3) that not only would Khrushchev visit the United States but that President Eisenhower would visit the U.S.S.R.; later Eisenhower's visit was postponed to the spring of 1960.
Geneva Conference.
Early in the year (January 10), the U.S.S.R. proposed to the United States, Great Britain, France, and the other countries at war with Germany in the years 1939-1945, and to the two Germanys, a conference for the purpose of concluding a treaty of peace. This was answered (February 16) by the three Western powers, and by West Germany, in the negative; instead, they proposed a conference of foreign ministers for discussion of 'the problem of Germany.' This proposal was soon accepted by the U.S.S.R. in notes to the Western powers (March 2), although a proposal for a summit conference of the heads of governments was the main proposal put forward in the notes. Shortly afterward (March 26) the 'Big Three' formally proposed to Moscow that their foreign ministers meet on May 11 in Geneva to discuss the German problem. This was promptly (March 30) accepted by the U.S.S.R. The foreign ministers duly met on the appointed day, adjourned after five weeks (June 20), then reassembled three weeks later (July 13), remained in session for another three weeks, and finally adjourned (August 5), leaving resumption of work to be settled through diplomatic channels. The conference came to nothing because both sides proved adamant on the two major issues, the situation in Berlin and the terms of peace with Germany.
The President's Trip.
Plans were somewhat dramatically announced (November 4) for an unprecedented trip by President Eisenhower to various countries in Europe, Africa, and Asia (including Italy, Turkey, Pakistan, Afghanistan, India, Iran, Greece, and France) beginning on December 3. In the meantime the East-West summit conference, which had been planned for that month, was postponed until the spring of 1960. It was hoped that the president's trip would help reconcile the programs for this meeting being advanced by the French and West German governments, which were somewhat discordant both as to representation and agenda.
Western Europe.
Visiting in the cause of peace and good international relations was not confined to the United States, Great Britain, and the U.S.S.R. Italian Prime Minister Fanfani visited Cairo as a guest of the U.A.R. (January 6-9), and later (January 10-11) Greece; in each case statements were issued dealing with political relations, and especially with economic relations, between Italy and the U.A.R. and between Italy and Greece. Prime Minister Macmillan and Foreign Minister Selwyn Lloyd visited the U.S.S.R. (February 21-March 3) and returned strong advocates of a summit conference for the near future. Later (March 12-13), Macmillan and Lloyd visited Paris and Bonn for discussion of matters of common interest; Italian Foreign Minister Pella visited London (March 17), and then Paris (March 18-19), where he was joined by Prime Minister Segni, for discussions with President de Gaulle, Prime Minister Debré, and Foreign Minister Couve de Murville, particularly on the problem of Berlin and Germany. Thence Segni and Pella visited Bonn for two days of discussions of a similar nature with Prime Minister Adenauer and Foreign Minister von Brentano. This whole series of personal visits took place in a time when mechanical means of communication have reached their highest known pitch of efficiency and so confirmed one of the professional diplomat's deepest convictions, that to settle a problem 'send a man.'
The visits continued with the trip of Debré and Couve de Murville to London (April 13-14). This was followed by the visit of President de Gaulle to Italy (June 23-28), largely ceremonial in character, though with some political discussions by De Gaulle and Foreign Minister Couve de Murville with Italian Prime Minister Segni and Foreign Minister Pella. While in Rome, De Gaulle was also received by the Pope (June 27), who spoke of the international position of France, aid to backward countries, and peace. On the other hand, plans for a visit by Khrushchev to the Scandinavian countries, announced earlier, were cancelled (July 20) because of alleged unfriendly attitudes on the part of political leaders and the press in those countries. Spanish Foreign Minister Castiella visited London (August 30-September 3) for conferences with President Eisenhower, and British Foreign Secretary Selwyn Lloyd went to Paris (September 5) for a conference with President de Gaulle. British Labour Party leaders Gaitskell and Bevan made an unofficial visit to Moscow (August 30-September 8).
Further examples of this extraordinary exchange of visits may be listed: Spanish Foreign Minister Castiella in Bonn (November 10 and 11); Adenauer and Erhard (announced in Bonn November 11) to go to Spain later; De Gaulle to go to London in April, 1960 (announced in Paris November 12); Couve de Murville to go to the Netherlands and to Rome in December (announced at the same time). Selwyn Lloyd had a seemingly fruitful conference with Couve de Murville in Paris (November 9-11). On the other hand, the Italian government reportedly let it be known (November 9) that it did not desire any visit from Khrushchev in spite of the fact that Italian President Gronchi was soon to visit Moscow (January 1960).
A somewhat unusual meeting of the leaders of four small political entities — Andorra, Liechtenstein, Monaco, and San Marino — was held in Liechtenstein October 22. It was voted to invite Luxembourg and Sark to attend the summit conference of the 'Little Six' to be held in 1960 in Andorra. Peace and encouragement of tourism were reported to have been the main questions discussed.
Progress toward European Integration.
The movement for European integration was maintained, albeit at an uncertain pace.
NATO.
Thus, from time to time uncertainties were felt and expressed concerning the central item in this program, the North Atlantic Treaty Organization (NATO). All during the year the relations of France to that organization constituted a major problem. In the spring (March 13) NATO spokesmen let it be known that France had decided to keep her Mediterranean fleet, largest support of NATO in that area, under national control in peace or war; NATO commander Gen. Lauris Norstad of the United States expressed concern and regret over this action. In the summer (July 8), after France continued to refuse to allow the stockpiling of nuclear weapons on French soil unless the United States shared with her nuclear information that would enable her to manufacture atomic bombs and also gave her full support in her Algerian policy, it was announced by Supreme Headquarters Allied Powers in Europe (SHAPE) that U.S. air squadrons would be moved out of France and transferred to West Germany and Great Britain. France also reduced her land and air support of NATO and seemed to be unwilling to undertake any new engagements in or under that organization. In the fall of 1958 (September 24), she proposed a directorate of herself, Great Britain, and the United States within that organization; Italy and West Germany reacted immediately in the negative as did other countries. By late in the year the situation had improved somewhat, as the United States assured the other NATO members of full participation in NATO decisions (November 9). The situation was further improved by the meeting of the NATO Council in Washington (November 16-20), although no pretense was made there of dealing specifically with the difficulties raised by the French actions. An announcement (October 30) that Turkey had agreed to the building of launching ramps for Jupiter missiles on her territory further strengthened the organization. But toward the end of the year, a very serious disagreement was revealed between France, on the one side, and the United States, Great Britain, and West Germany, on the other side, over the question of integrated military forces for NATO.
Other Integrating Bodies.
A number of other bodies enter into an appraisal of the progress toward European integration. There is the Council of Europe with its headquarters at Strasbourg, devoted to consideration and discussion of European problems of all kinds but with little or no power to act. There are three organs of a group of countries often referred to as the 'Six' (Belgium, France, Germany, Italy, Luxembourg, and the Netherlands): the Coal and Steel Community, the European Economic Community (the so-called 'Common Market'), and the European Atomic Energy Community (known as Euratom). These three communities of 'Six' all continued to develop. On the other hand, efforts to establish a wider European free-trade area, which had reached a decisive setback in December 1958, never revived within the framework of the 17-nation OEEC (Organization for European Economic Co-operation). The 'Outer Seven' — Austria, Denmark, Great Britain, Norway, Portugal, Sweden, and Switzerland — had by the end of the year completed agreement on a European Free Trade Area (EFTA), variously conceived as a defensive measure or as an offensive weapon by which to force some better accommodation of trade relations with the 'Six.' It seemed possible that Finland would become associated with the 'Outer Seven' in some way, although probably not as a full member.
The introduction of external convertibility for the currencies of the principal Western European countries at the end of 1958 was followed (January 30) by transfer to a new European Monetary Agreement of the capital of the old European Payments Union, which was thereby liquidated. In view of improved balance-of-payments situations and at the continued urging of the United States and Canada, moves were made in the course of the year to eliminate remaining quantitative restrictions on imports.
Eastern Europe.
A visit by East German delegates to Moscow (June 8-20) and a visit by Soviet leaders to Poland (July 14-23) were the occasions for new declarations confirming the Oder-Neisse line between Poland and East Germany and calling for revision of the status of Berlin. Agreements were made by the U.S.S.R. for financial and technical aid to Albania (July 3), for financial aid to Indonesia (July 28), and for aid to India in connection with that country's five-year plan of economic development (September 12 and 28). A meeting of the Soviet bloc's Council for Mutual Economic Assistance in Tirana, Albania (May 13-16) was held to promote further economic interdependence within the Communist bloc. In the same category perhaps should be included the visit by Khrushchev to Romania (October 20-25) and efforts on his part a little later to maintain the allegiance of the Gomulka government in Poland. The U.S.S.R. also announced (August 23) a project for an oil pipeline to Poland, East Germany, Hungary, and Czechoslovakia.
Meanwhile, in Yugoslavia Tito had been carrying on his program of 'national Communism.' An extensive tour of eight Asian and African countries (December 1958-March 1959) emphasized his determination to remain active. During 1959 Yugoslavia also sought and obtained a closer form of association with the contracting parties to GATT, making it the first Communist country to obtain such status (Czechoslovakia is a full contracting partner by the accident of having joined before it fell under Communist domination).
The Middle East.
During 1957 and 1958 this area had been the scene of great unrest and violent disturbances. During 1959 the situation became a great deal quieter, without, however, many, or perhaps any, of its major problems being solved.
Cyprus Question.
The settlement of the four-year-old question of the status of Cyprus, by agreement between Greece and Turkey, with British aid and consent (February 19), provided a very welcome note in this sector. Details were given to the world in the text published in London (February 28). With the election of Archbishop Makarios, to the presidency (December 15), the future appeared promising.
Iraq.
Iraq, under its new government, headed by Gen. Abdul Karim el-Kassim, following the revolution of July 1958, concluded an agreement with the U.S.S.R. (March 11) for economic and technical co-operation. General Kassim, however, repeatedly rejected bids for Communist participation in his government (April 30, May 23, July 13).
Egypt and Israel.
Less encouraging were the seizures by Egypt of ships and cargoes, including mail, seeking to pass through the Suez Canal when either ships or cargo were Israeli-owned or destined for Israel, even though the ships and cargoes were in some cases owned by Australian, British, Danish, Japanese, or Philippine nationals. Protests by other powers, the Universal Postal Union, and the UN (through Secretary General Dag Hammarskjold) met adamant Egyptian resistance based on the argument that a state of war still existed between Egypt and Israel.
Arab States.
The Arab states themselves took several steps during the year which were calculated to consolidate good relations with each other. Thus the Arab League, which has not been as active recently as its beginnings might have led one to expect, took promising steps early in the year (January 11) by setting up an Arab Development Company and an Arab Navigation Company, as well as by backing a project for an Arab Pipeline Company.
An agreement on transit facilities and traffic between Lebanon and Syria was accompanied by a similar agreement on political questions still subsisting between them (February 16). Lebanese delegates met President Nasser, representing the U.A.R., to discuss outstanding economic and political issues (March 25). The meeting was held in strict secrecy, but it was announced that the participants had agreed to collaborate closely in all problems, particularly those of Lebanese-Syrian relations. Later it was announced in Cairo (August 16) that diplomatic relations between the U.A.R. and Jordan had been resumed; still later (August 31-September 3) King Saud of Saudi Arabia visited President Nasser, and it was announced that full co-operation had been renewed between the two countries. Friction between Iraq and the U.A.R. continued. The latter country, however, concluded (early November) satisfactory agreements with both Great Britain and Sudan on the uses of the waters of the Nile and the exploitation of the projected Aswan high dam.
Iran enjoyed a period of quiet in the year 1959. She continued to take a modest part in CENTO although assailed by the U.S.S.R. for her membership in that organization as well as for her military defense agreement with the United States. Negotiations on her own part with the U.S.S.R. for a nonaggression treaty collapsed (January 29).
U.S. and Soviet Policies.
At one time there had been a great deal of discussion of U.S. and Soviet policies in the Middle East. During the year 1959 not so much explicit discussion of this character was heard, though the problem obviously still remained. The agreement between the U.S.S.R. and Iraq (March 16) was symptomatic of Russian interest in the area, as was the later agreement concluded by the U.A.R. in Moscow (September 8) for extensive Soviet aid, financial and technical, in the building of the Aswan dam. Toward the end of the year, however, there were signs of a cooling between the U.S.S.R. and the Arab world in general.
Africa.
With regard to Libya, Tunisia, and Morocco, no important new events or developments are to be noted except in relation to the Algerian problem. To treat the Algerian situation as an international problem runs counter to the French claim that this is purely a domestic concern in which neither other countries nor the UN have any right to interfere. The facts of the case, however, not to mention repeated decisions by or within the UN, do not seem to justify the French view. Unfortunately the question of the status of that unhappy and disturbed country and its relations to France has not been settled. The Algerian rebellion continued in the south and west, aggravated by the extreme resistance of French and some Muslim elements to anything but continued French rule and to anything like independence, even within a French 'union' or 'community.' Although President de Gaulle offered (September 16) an opportunity to the people of Algeria to vote on a threefold choice — independence, autonomy and federation with France, or integration — no final settlement has been made. A lively and even violent debate on the statement took place in the National Assembly in Paris (October 13-15), which culminated in an overwhelming vote (441 to 23) in support of De Gaulle and his program. But no substantial developments in the situation could be noted, even after President de Gaulle's much heralded press conference of November 10, during which he simply reiterated his earlier pronouncement while giving some indications of willingness to discuss with native Algerian leaders the terms of a cease-fire in Algeria.
An isolated but interesting event came with the declaration of the government of Morocco (October 17) that the statute of the International City of Tangier was to cease its operation after six months. It was later announced (October 26) by the Moroccan government that Tangier would be maintained as a free port. Just what the net effects of these steps will be remains to be seen.
Meanwhile, the process of independence for African colonies of European powers continued. There were even Belgian promises to the Congo of reforms in colonial administration and ultimate independence (January 13, October 16), which had been preceded and were followed by riots in Léopoldville and elsewhere; similar plans were announced in Brussels later (November 10) for Ruanda-Urundi, territories under the trusteeship of Belgium. Individual new states made new agreements with one another and with non-African states (the agreements, for instance, between Guinea and the U.S.S.R. on trade and economic and technical aid). Finally strong movements for federation among new African states developed; a conference of heads of three West African states — Ghana, Guinea, and Liberia — was held (July 16-19) for discussion of political questions. The prime minister of Ghana, Dr. Nkrumah, visited Guinea (April 23-May 12) and a joint proposal for a general union of all independent African states resulted. It might be interposed here that Dr. Nkrumah also visited Queen Elizabeth at her invitation (August 11-12) and was named privy councillor, an honor which only four other Commonwealth statesmen had previously received.
Two West African states within the French Community — Senegal and the Sudanese Republic — united to form the federal state of Mali (January 17), and four autonomous Equatorial African states within the Community — Central African Republic, Chad, Gabon, and the Republic of the Congo — established a customs union and 'economic federation.' The meetings in Paris of the Executive Council of the French Community acted upon a number of points; these included inauguration of the Mali Federation, the setting up of the Court of Arbitration, and the furtherance of new federal and customs unions. Along these same lines was the reorganization (February 4 and March 11) of the French Organisation Commune des Régions Sahariennes to take account of recent economic and social developments. At the sixth Executive Council meeting in December a statement was issued that negotiations would shortly be opened between the Mali Federation and France for the transfer of responsibilities now shared in common and for the signature of co-operative agreements. Though independent, the two Mali states would remain in the Community, but President de Gaulle's references to 'necessary changes' and to 'evolution' were understood to foreshadow its transformation into a grouping of independent states with control of their own diplomatic representation abroad. Allusions were also current as to the imminent independence of the Malagasy Republic, and the future of the autonomous republics in Equatorial Africa was understood to be under consideration.
A conference of nine independent African states, none members of the French Community, was held in Monrovia, Liberia (August 4-8). The conference admitted the Algerian Provisional Government, and there was much critical discussion of French policy and action in regard to Algeria. A visit by President Sekou Touré of Guinea to Washington, London, Bonn, and Moscow was made (beginning November 10) in search of assurances of economic and technical aid for his country.
In the Union of South Africa, the apartheid policy of the government, another 'internal' problem having strong international repercussions, continued. Discussion in the UN General Assembly effected no great change. Serious disturbances arose in Nyasaland in connection with the problem of federation with Rhodesia, but again no definite results were forthcoming.
British plans for Somaliland were announced (February 9), but would take a long time to mature or be carried out. Similar Italian plans for the independence of Somalia were carried forward under a UN decision dating back to 1950. Finally, aging Emperor Haile Selassie of Ethiopia, not to be outdone in the business of visiting, went (June 24-August 24) to the Sudan, U.A.R., U.S.S.R., Czechoslovakia, Belgium, France, Portugal, and Yugoslavia before returning to Addis Ababa. Few agreements were concluded on this long trip, but the U.S.S.R. did promise aid for Ethiopia.
Asia.
Serious internal political developments, not to say disturbances, took place in Pakistan, and these resulted in a strengthening of the government. The new government was able to conclude a new, more promising agreement with India (April 17) on the troublesome problem of water rights in the Indus Valley, and the two countries seemed drawn further together by the threat of Communist China.
India faced new problems during the year. Difficult relations with Pakistan persisted, although a helpful agreement was concluded between the two countries (October 23) over the boundaries between India and East Pakistan. Threats from Communist China also seemed to draw the two countries together; there were even signs of a possible compromise on Kashmir. On the other hand, serious trouble developed between India and China. Perhaps anticipating later events, Indian Prime Minister Nehru visited Nepal (April 11-14) shortly after the uprising in Tibet to strengthen that country's ties with India; he had visited Bhutan in the previous year. Later (November 27) India gave notice that she would defend Nepal from any attack.
Southeast Asia.
Laos was the scene of the most serious and prolonged troubles. Disputes between that country and North Vietnam, held over from previous years, continued and became more serious. By contrast, agreements were made with South Vietnam (May 24) on both economic and political questions such as extradition, frontiers, trade, and other matters. Communist activities in northern Laos became so dangerous that British Foreign Secretary Selwyn Lloyd met with Soviet Foreign Minister Gromyko in Geneva, when both were attending the foreign ministers' conference, to discuss the question. The British refused, however, to reconvene the International Commission for supervision and control in Laos, set up by a conference held in Geneva in 1954, and rejected Communist charges against the government of Laos. The latter felt compelled eventually (August 4) to declare a state of emergency because of alleged Communist activities in its northern provinces. It later (September 4) appealed to the UN to send out an emergency force to control the situation. After some debate, the UN Security Council decided (September 7) to send out a committee to investigate the situation.
Cambodia had also been having troubles concerning relations with South Vietnam and Thailand, both of which had complaints against it dating back over a year. Some measure of understanding and relaxation was accomplished by a visit of Cambodian Prime Minister Prince Norodom Sihanouk, together with the ministers of foreign affairs and defense, to South Vietnam (August 4-5).
Affairs in Indonesia showed improvement. The shipment of small arms to that country by the United States (February 8) helped counterbalance the influence of the U.S.S.R. An apparently amicable and satisfactory discussion was had with New Zealand and Australia over the unsettled status of West Guinea (February 10-15).
A promising meeting of the South East Asia Treaty Organization (SEATO) was held in Wellington, New Zealand, in the spring (April 8-10); that organization, according to the statement issued at the conclusion of its meeting, continued to pursue its economic, military, and political aims with reasonable success.
China.
Relations between China and her neighbors and between that country and the rest of the world, even the U.S.S.R., remained seriously troubled. There occurred no reopening of the artillery fire on the coastal island of Quemoy nor any attack on Taiwan, China's attitude toward the Nationalist regime on Taiwan remained hostile, and in this Peking was supported by Moscow, or so Khrushchev wrote to President Eisenhower. In the spring (March 17) occurred a serious uprising in Tibet staged by opponents of Chinese rule. Communist Chinese forces intervened and put down the rebellion and dissolved the Tibetan government. The Dalai Lama escaped to India. Other countries, especially India, became concerned and the matter was finally brought before the UN.
When Chinese troops fired on Indian frontier guards in the Ladakh area (October 21) a serious conflict of interests and policies between Peking and New Delhi emerged. Nehru protested strongly to Chinese Communist Premier Chou En-lai (November 8) and Chou replied (November 10) with certain proposals for mutual withdrawal of troops, a neutral zone, and negotiations. Nehru replied in the negative and made certain counterproposals (November 15). The matter had already come up before the UN General Assembly.
Communist China's relations with Japan remained dormant, including the extremely important (at least to Japan) problem of trade and the problem of repatriation of Korean Communists still in Japan.
The U.S.S.R. continued in general to support Peking, although on the occasion of a visit to that city (end of September) Mr. Khrushchev seems to have tried to exert some influence on Mao Tse-tung and Chou En-lai in the direction of nonwarlike action, especially in Southeast Asia. An agreement for further financial and technical aid to Communist China from Moscow had been signed early in the year (February 7), but nothing was said publicly about military aid, although it was generally known that such aid was being extended. However, the United States, supported by a majority of other countries, continued to refuse recognition to China or to vote for her admission to the UN in spite of doubts, even in the United States, about both the justice and the practical value of this position. In the meantime, the Chinese Communist government continued to approve North Vietnam's hostility toward Laos, and late in the year continued charges of Chinese intervention in Laos were widely made. Also Peking, or so it was announced (November 6), was sending large amounts of money and supplies to the Algerian rebels.
The relations of Japan with the rest of the world offered few outstanding points of interest. Relations with the United States remained cordial, and so did Japan's relations within the UN. Her serious problems awaited the future for their solution.
Latin America.
The unfortunately all-too-accurate picture of Latin America as an area of dictatorships counterbalanced by popular revolutions or uprisings was not greatly altered during 1959.
The outstanding example of this came with the overthrow of the dictatorship of Fulgencio Batista in Cuba by the movement headed by Fidel Castro (January 1). When Batista fled to the Dominican Republic, Dr. Manuel Urrutia Lleo became president of Cuba, and Castro soon after (February 16) became prime minister. The question of relations with the United States became acute: the latter was accused of having aided and abetted Batista; on the other hand, certain actions, taken or impending, of the Castro government toward U.S. citizens or their property became matters of diplomatic and public controversy. A slight improvement on this score emerged as time passed. Trials of alleged war criminals, former officers or men in the Batista forces, which had stirred up much condemnation in the United States, were transferred to the civil courts. Castro visited Washington, conferred with Secretary Herter, and met several members of the House of Representatives and Senate; he also visited New York and Boston. On the other hand, a land-reform measure (June 4) threatened to reopen controversy, and still later (October) trouble arose over activities of opponents of Premier Castro in attacking his regime, with propaganda, by plane from the United States. Thus, relations between Cuba and the United States remained difficult down to the end of the year.
Somewhat earlier in the year (June) the Castro government itself was accused of responsibility for an attempted airborne invasion of Nicaragua. Here the Organization of American States (OAS) stepped in (June 4-14) with an investigation. A similar attempted invasion of the Dominican Republic, which was accused by Castro and his supporters of complicity with the former Batista regime in Cuba, was repulsed (June 10); complaints by the Dominican Republic charging Cuba with responsibility were heard at once. Cuba severed diplomatic relations with the Dominican Republic soon afterward (June 28).
The OAS has been more alert and watchful during this period than it has sometimes been in the past. It also created an Inter-American Development Bank and Fund for Special Operations (April 8) with large U.S. support. Also the OAS decided (July 17) that a foreign ministers' conference should meet in Santiago, Chile in August to consider the situation and the tensions in the Caribbean area. Still later (October 20) the OAS decided to set up an Inter-American Nuclear Energy Commission.
On the credit side also may be noted the going into effect of a Central American Common Market (January 8). Dr. Milton Eisenhower, the president's brother and president of Johns Hopkins University, also submitted (January 3) a comprehensive and constructive report on relations between the United States and Latin American countries and how they could be improved, which led to the setting up in Washington of a National Advisory Committee on Inter-American Affairs.
Disarmament.
Disarmament, partial or complete, has been a problem before the nations ever since the beginning of the century; but since 1920 it has come to assume much more serious proportions. To it is now joined the problem of nuclear energy, both as regards research and application — in particular the extremely difficult problem of nuclear weapons.
All through the year proposals for more or less general and more or less complete disarmament were put forward by the United States, Great Britain, and the U.S.S.R. Widespread public attention and encouragement were aroused by such proposals. This movement may be said to have culminated in the proposal put before the members of the UN General Assembly by the U.S.S.R. toward the end of the year (September 18). As the year ended these proposals were being considered, but no concrete action on them had been taken. Although the Disarmament Commission of the UN was still in existence and functioning, the creation of a new 10-power Committee on Disarmament to work in aid of the 85-power UN Commission was announced simultaneously in Washington, London, Paris, and Moscow (September 7). Besides the 'Big Four,' Bulgaria, Canada, Czechoslovakia, Italy, Poland, and Romania (making an over-all even division between East and West) were to be invited to participate.
Proposals for disarmament today relate not only to what are called 'conventional' armaments, but also to guided missiles and nuclear weapons. Although delegates and experts from the United States, Great Britain, and the U.S.S.R. continued to meet during the year in search of a formal agreement banning nuclear weapons tests that would supplement the present voluntary abstention, there was not much progress.
In mid-June the U.S.S.R. proposed the creation of 'atom-free zones' where no missiles or atomic weapons would be admitted; the areas proposed were the Scandinavian countries and the Baltic area. While on a trip to Albania late in May, Khrushchev had made a similar proposal concerning Italy and the Balkans. This was subsequently restated in a formal note sent (June 25) to the United States, France, Great Britain, Greece, Italy, and Turkey, but the proposal was turned down by all the countries approached.
Although scant progress was made toward nuclear disarmament, announcement was made in Washington (May 28) of a conference to be held there October 15 on the peaceful use of Antarctica. The conference, including the United States, the U.S.S.R., and other powers having claims in that region, met and began with a pledge to keep that region free of war. On December 1, the conferees signed a convention for setting up an inspection system to enforce demilitarization in that region.
Peaceful Uses of Nuclear Energy.
Up to now, individual states have sponsored the bulk of activity in the fields of nuclear research and armament. Notable contributions by individual states in 1959 included the publication (March 22) by the United States of the report of an extensive investigation of radioactive fallout. Great Britain followed suit a little later (April 28). However, there were also developments in the nature of bilateral or multilateral activity. Canada consented (March 24) to turn over to the International Atomic Energy Agency (IAEA), set up in 1956, certain amounts of uranium for sale to Japan.
Agreements between two or three states in these matters are also to be noted. Thus the Netherlands and Norway agreed early in the year (January 27) to co-operate on nuclear research and the utilization of atomic energy. The United States, Great Britain, and France agreed (May 7) on the sharing of atomic materials. Canada and Pakistan agreed (May 14) on certain aspects of peaceful uses of atomic energy. Canada also made agreements for similar co-operation with Australia and Japan (July 2, August 5). More important was the agreement between the United States and the U.S.S.R. (November 24) for the exchange of scientists dealing with the peaceful uses of atomic energy.
Finally, multipartite actions in this field assumed large proportions. Spain was admitted to participation in the European Nuclear Energy plant under OEEC (announcement in Paris, January 30). Similarly under OEEC, the board of management of the Dragon reactor project in England met for the first time (June 1) and the Halden reactor in Norway went into operation (June 29). The first meeting of the assembly of 'Eurochemic' (European Company for the Chemical Processing of Irradiated Fuels) was held (late in July), and a Nuclear Security Control convention among ten European countries went into force August 10. The participating countries, in the order of the their ratifications, were Great Britain, the Irish Republic, Switzerland, Norway, France, Denmark, the Netherlands, Turkey, West Germany, and Belgium. All of this activity was likewise within the framework of OEEC.
Trade and Finance.
The continuous movement of goods across national frontiers in response to the needs of producers and consumers, which makes up the bulk of trade among the Western countries, is essentially a matter of countless private decisions. Even where trade is conducted by state-owned producing or purchasing agencies, much of their activity takes place in response to normal commercial considerations. Hence, with important exceptions, notably in the field of monetary policy and investment, the record of free-world activity in trade and finance in 1959 is mainly the story of efforts by governments to facilitate trade by adjustments in their trade-regulatory policies and by negotiations to obtain more advantageous trading conditions abroad for the goods their countries normally export.
During 1959 international trade generally increased both in volume and in value as the United States recovered from its recession. Intergovernmental activity centered around the improvement in the balance-of-payments situation that had enabled most Western European countries to make their currencies externally convertible at the close of 1958.
The greatly improved reserve position of major European trading countries implied that such countries were rapidly approaching the point at which they would have no further legitimate reason to retain quantitative restrictions on imports. They were entitled under the General Agreement on Tariffs and Trade to keep such restrictions only as long as they were needed to safeguard low currency reserves against further depletion. In fact, it had been evident for some time that many such restrictions, particularly in the field of agriculture, were being maintained for their protective effects rather than from any currency considerations, but as long as most countries' over-all balance-of-payments positions remained weak this excuse served as a curtain which effectively prevented searching international examination or effective pressure for removing the restrictions. It is not surprising, therefore, that most of the year's activity under the GATT centered around examinations of individual countries' import restrictions in an effort, spearheaded by the United States and Canada, to goad the laggards into further liberalization on a world-wide basis. Much progress resulted. A settlement with West Germany was reached under the GATT (May), whereby some immediate relaxation of restrictions was obtained and other measures were promised on a fixed timetable. The United Kingdom announced two liberalization lists during the year, as did France. Many other countries followed suit.
The impending removal of the balance-of-payments screen also highlighted the urgency of a concerted international attack on agricultural protection, which emerged as the greatest single area in which quantitative restrictions were being used for protection. It also became plain that balance-of-payments restrictions had been used to shield national industries against competition from imports from countries where wages were far below those of local producers. Japan, India, and Ceylon undertook a drive for progressive relaxation of foreign countries' barriers to their imports. While no immediate results were obtained in either area, various countries have recognized the urgency of both problems and have shown a desire to modify their behavior.
Moreover, as an outgrowth of the poorer primary commodity markets of recent years, and as a result of the threat to established trade which some countries see in the introduction of preferences in the markets of the 'Six' for the products of associated overseas territories, increasing attention was given to ways of helping expedite trade development for less developed countries. Their wish, paralleling that of Western Europe some years ago, is now 'trade not aid', or rather trade in addition to aid, and the same combination of political and economic factors which lent urgency to this appeal in Europe operates today to inspire a search for ways of diversifying and making more profitable the production of less developed countries of Asia, Africa, and Latin America.
Finally, the contracting parties to GATT continued to prepare for extensive tariff negotiations (scheduled to begin in September 1960), during which adjustments are to be negotiated in the existing tariff obligations of the 'Six.' New negotiations of additional reciprocal concessions are also to be undertaken generally among contracting parties. How extensive such negotiations will actually prove seemed likely, at the end of the year, to depend mainly on developments in relations between the 'Six' and the 'Outer Seven.'
In the field of financial aid to less developed countries, the United States and various other individual countries continued various investment and aid programs, as did the International Bank for Reconstruction and Development (IBRD), the International Finance Corporation, and the UN Technical Assistance Program. It was decided late in the year to establish a new International Development Association, affiliated with the International Monetary Fund and IBRD, to meet certain needs not previously covered by any institution. An increase in the capitalization of the IMF was also accepted, which should enable it to help countries having temporary balance-of-payments difficulties with greater advances than have hitherto been available.
Special urgency was given to both the wider participation of Western Europe in development programs and the need for rapid movement toward liberalization of trade restrictions by changes in the U.S. balance-of-payments situation. Though the surplus of U.S. exports over imports was expected to amount to about $3.5 billions in 1959, the United States gave plain warning that other countries would have to pick up a greater share of the foreign-aid programs and would have, as well, to expedite the lowering of barriers to U.S. exports.
Trade between East and West, as it involves dealing with government agencies that do not always operate on commercial conditions, has remained largely outside the framework of GATT and continues to be conducted mainly through bipartite agreements under which Soviet bloc countries undertake to purchase specific quantities of named goods in exchange for rights to sell named exports within fixed ceilings. This situation operates, of course, as an impediment to complete removal of quantitative restrictions by the Western countries, who fear that liberalization would deprive them of their bargaining power with the East. Countries highly dependent on trade with the Soviet bloc, such as Finland and Austria, are under the greatest handicap in this regard. During 1959 a new five-year agreement was concluded between Great Britain and the U.S.S.R. (May 24). A two-year agreement between Denmark and the U.S.S.R. went into force on June 1.
In the field of commodity trade, where a somewhat greater degree of governmental intervention and control exists, there were numerous conferences and developments also. Early in the year (January 26) the International Tin Council, continuing its long-standing activities, announced that the U.S.S.R. had agreed to a restriction of tin exports to non-Communist countries. A five-nation (Argentina, Australia, Canada, France, and the United States) conference on wheat disposal was held in Washington (May 4-6). Consultations on the problem of trade in lead and zinc were also held in New York during the spring.
Various negotiations for settlement of outstanding international claims made some progress. An agreement was concluded between Egypt and Great Britain (March 1) concerning the settlement of claims growing out of nationalization of the Suez Canal. This followed similar agreements concluded by Egypt in 1958 with France and the Suez Canal Company. Late in the year, on the occasion of Khrushchev's visit to the United States, it appeared that the U.S.S.R. might move to reopen long-stalled negotiations concerning the lend-lease debt of the U.S.S.R. to the United States and the old debts of the Kerensky government in order to clear the way for possible action by the United States to lift the current legislative ban on credits for the U.S.S.R. contained in the Johnson Act.
The commercial arbitration convention on 'Recognition and Enforcement of Foreign Arbitral Awards,' signed in 1958 by 27 countries, went into force on June 7.
The important North Atlantic fisheries again came in for attention with the conclusion of a convention among ten North Atlantic countries (January 24), but in the matter of whaling serious difficulties arose. Notice of withdrawal from the International Whaling Convention had been given by Norway (December 3, 1958), pending agreement on quotas with Britain, Japan, and the Netherlands; this was soon (January 2, 1959) followed by similar action by the Netherlands. Great Britain then intimated (January 5) that she might be compelled to take similar action in the near future in view of these withdrawals, but at the eleventh annual meeting of the International Whaling Commission (June 22-July 1) only the Netherlands and Norway withdrew. An effort was made to remedy the situation by revision of the quotas allowed for catching, but with no results.
In shipping, the International Maritime Consultative Organization (IMCO), set up by the United Nations in 1958, held its inaugural session at the beginning of the year (January 6-19) and went on adding member states steadily: Sweden (32nd member), Denmark (33rd member), Ghana (34th). Also, nine countries (Great Britain, Denmark, France, West Germany, Italy, Netherlands, Norway, Sweden, and the United States) met informally in Washington to consider and discuss U.S. shipping policies (June 8-11). Such a discussion of the policies of one country by representatives of other countries may be regarded as somewhat unusual; on the other hand, no action was taken nor were any conclusions adopted. In aviation, a number of bipartite agreements were concluded: between India and Italy (July 12); United States and France (August 5); Canada and Germany (September 4).
Cultural Relations.
The development of cultural relations among the nations in 1959 took many forms. Outstanding, of course, were the U.S.S.R. exposition in New York, opened June 29 by Soviet First Deputy Premier Koslov, and the U.S. exposition in Moscow, opened on July 24 by Vice President Nixon. Both expositions stressed scientific and social aspects of life in the two countries but were not without political implications.
Somewhat different was the Commonwealth Educational Conference held in Oxford (July 15-19), attended by representatives from the older dominions as well as from Ceylon, Ghana, Malaya, Pakistan, and the Federation of Rhodesia and Nyasaland. Advisors from numerous colonial territories were attached to the British delegation.
The Pope announced (January 24) plans for an ecumenical council on the problem of unification of all Christian churches, but the announcement did not meet with a universal welcome and the meeting was later (October 20) postponed.
A number of formal international agreements were concluded in various fields. These included an agreement among Australia, Canada, Great Britain, New Zealand, the Union of South Africa, and the United States on the definition of the yard (linear measurement) and the pound (weight). Bipartite agreements were concluded between the U.S.S.R. and Iraq (May 5) for scientific and cultural co-operation; between Finland and Hungary (June 10) on cultural relations in general; between Czechoslovakia and India (July 7); and between Sudan and Yugoslavia (June-July), these last two covering economics and technology as well as science and cultural matters in general. The United States and the U.S.S.R. extended (November 2) their scientific, cultural, and educational agreement for two years. Shortly afterward (December 1) Great Britain and the U.S.S.R. concluded a cultural agreement. It was also announced that the United States and France would exchange scientific and cultural expositions in 1961.
The United Nations.
The principal organs of the UN, it may be recalled, are the General Assembly, the Security Council, the Economic and Social Council (ECOSOC), the Trusteeship Council, and the International Court of Justice. The General Assembly numbers over 400 delegates, representing all of the member states of the UN (at present 82). The Security Council has eleven members, representing as many states, and the ECOSOC eighteen. The Trusteeship Council had fourteen members in 1959 and the Court fifteen. The Secretariat embraces over four thousand persons. There are also a multitude of committees and commissions functioning under these principal organs, especially under ECOSOC, which has highly autonomous regional commissions for Europe (ECE), Latin America (ECLA), the Far East (ECAFE), and for Africa (ECA). The so-called specialized agencies, now twelve in number, each a league of nations in itself (with an assembly, executive organ, and secretariat), all function in principle under the General Assembly and ECOSOC but in reality are almost completely autonomous. These include the Universal Postal Union, the International Labor Organization, the World Health Organization, the International Bank for Reconstruction and Development, and the International Monetary Fund.
Many meetings and actions, general and special, of all these commissions and agencies during 1959 could be recorded. Highlights included the first session of ECA (December 29, 1958 to January 6, 1959) and the announcement (May 4) of the first technical aid projects under the UN Special Fund set up by the thirteenth General Assembly in 1958. A special meeting of the General Assembly was held (February 20) to consider the status of the British and French Cameroons, and on the basis of the report of a special mission sent out to those territories the Assembly voted in favor of independence for the French Cameroons and for holding a plebiscite in the British Cameroons to determine the future of that territory. An example of international action held apart from the UN itself is seen in the International Wheat Agreement concluded (March 10) at a conference sponsored by the UN. The Secretary General, Dag Hammarskjold, spoke in Copenhagen (May 2) on the relations of the UN to the forthcoming foreign ministers' conference, the problem of Berlin, and projected summit conferences. He also went to Laos (November 10), on the invitation of that government, to study the situation there. This trip, made despite the opposition of the U.S.S.R., was another example of the active role played by Hammarskjold in UN and world affairs. World population figures — a total of 2,800,000,000, broken down in various ways — were released May 31 in the annual Demographic Yearbook. Agents of the UN Mixed Armistice Commission succeeded in stopping firing on the frontier between Israel and Syria (October 23). An unusual step was taken (in June) in the setting up of a special advisory Economic Policy Board within the Secretariat to deal with requests for technical assistance, one of the more extensive fields of activity of the UN.
The climax in UN activities came in the fall with the meeting of the fourteenth session of the General Assembly (September 15). It was obvious that a number of the problems mentioned already in this review — including Algeria, Communist China, disarmament, Laos, nuclear weapons (especially the French plans to explode a nuclear bomb over the Sahara), the Suez blockade against Israel, and Tibet — would come before the fourteenth General Assembly in one form or another. When the Assembly convened, a special organizational difficulty arose over the election of the nonpermanent members of the Security council. The crux of the difficulty lay in the rivalry between Poland and Turkey, supported respectively by the East and the West; the outcome was a compromise whereby Poland would serve the first year of the two-year term and Turkey the second.
A recommendatory charter on the rights of children — 'Children's Charter' — was approved in the General Assembly's Social Committee (October 19). The General Assembly adopted a resolution (November 17) disapproving the apartheid policy of the Union of South Africa. An overwhelming vote was given (November 20) in support of efforts at disarmament, largely on the basis of Soviet Russia's proposals. At the same time, France was asked to abstain from her plan to explode a bomb over the Sahara. On the next day (November 21), two resolutions were adopted in favor of the halting of nuclear weapons tests and for an international agreement to this effect. It was also decided (November 21) to maintain the UN Emergency Force on the Israeli-Egyptian border for another year. On December 5, the General Assembly voted to grant Somalia its independence on July 1, 1960. In spite of Communist opposition, the Assembly voted (December 9) to ask the withdrawal of Soviet troops from Hungary and in favor of compliance with the UN demands for admission of its representatives into that country. On December 10, another resolution was passed over Communist opposition calling for free elections in a united Korea. A resolution calling for negotiations between France and the Algerian nationalists failed to win the requisite two-thirds majority needed for adoption (December 12). But the Assembly agreed unanimously (December 12) to set up a permanent 24-nation commission to encourage and regulate the peaceful uses of outer space. The military aspects of space explorations were left outside the jurisdiction of the new committee. The Assembly adjourned on December 13.
Conclusions.
There was a noteworthy increase during the year in the number of countries participating in the great game of international politics and economics. There was an increase in the number of problems arising for consideration, discussion, and action. Above all, there was the phenomenal development of visits by statesmen of one country to those of others; whether this activity will persist only time can tell, as also only time can reveal the results of these visits. On the whole, the trend of international relations during 1959 seemed to be toward better understanding and more constructive action, with the exceptions of the problem of Israel's relations with the Arab states and the activities of Communist China in Southeast Asia. There did not appear to have been much fundamental change in the great central problem of relations between the East and West, although on the surface there were some signs of a relaxation of the 'cold war.'
The general foreign policies of the United States did not undergo any great change during 1959. Indeed both President Eisenhower and secretaries of state Dulles and Herter repeatedly emphasized that the United States would continue to follow policies adopted and proclaimed in previous years. This policy was not affected by the death of Secretary Dulles (May 24), although differences of emphasis were noted after that time.
During fiscal year 1958-1959 foreign military aid amounted to $1.5 billion and economic aid reached the $4.5 billion figure. New arrangements were made in a few cases: with Sudan (agreement on May 22), Poland (agreement on June 10), and Burma (announced in Washington on July 6), all of these being cases of economic aid. Military aid was extended to the government of Laos (August 26, October 25). An agreement with Liberia for defense of that country in case of need was also concluded (July 8). An agreement with the Philippines was signed (October 12) renewing and revising arrangements concerning military bases and operations. Some progress was made in the direction of better relations with Indonesia and the United Arab Republic (U.A.R.); on the other hand, it was announced in Washington (October 31) that the United States would withdraw troops and military bases from Morocco in the near future.
Continued efforts were put forth in the direction of strengthening U.S. security and defense. Agreements were made with Canada for that country to take over the manning of the Distant Early Warning (DEW) line (announced January 19) designed to prevent any surprise attack across the region of the North Pole, and for co-operation with Canada in atomic defense (May 22). The United States continued to remain outside the Baghdad Pact Organization, which was renamed Central Treaty Organization (CENTO) on August 21, but the Ministerial Council of that organization met for general discussion and planning — military, political, and technical — in Washington (October 7-9).
Not as much was heard as before of disengagement or withdrawal of forces from Europe, but this did not mean that the subject had been forgotten; rather, it meant that the U.S. government definitely had no intention of acting along that line.
U.S. Relations with Great Britain.
Relations with Great Britain grew still stronger during the year, promoted specifically by British Prime Minister Macmillan's visit to Washington (March 19-23) and the president's visit to Great Britain (August 27-September 2). When in Great Britain, where it has been said that he received 'the biggest welcome ever accorded a visiting Head of State,' the president visited Queen Elizabeth and the Duke of Edinburgh at Balmoral (August 28), while Secretary of State Herter talked with Foreign Minister Selwyn Lloyd and numerous other officials. Herter talked also with the two Labour Party leaders, Hugh Gaitskell and Aneurin Bevan, but Gaitskell had to leave for a visit to Russia without seeing the president. The president spent two days with Prime Minister Macmillan and joined him (August 31) in an unprecedented television broadcast from 10 Downing Street that dealt with numerous international questions, including relations between the United States and Great Britain. As in all similar visits, no formal negotiations or agreements were forthcoming, but relations between the countries concerned — knowledge and understanding and even appreciation — were improved. When the president returned to Washington (September 7), having meantime been in Paris and Bonn, it was announced that 'all the Western leaders were united on basic principle and purpose in their pursuit of peace' and 'that every troublesome problem had been talked out.'
U.S. Relations with Western Europe.
No visitor from France appeared in Washington, although it was announced (September 6) that President de Gaulle had accepted President Eisenhower's invitation to visit the United States. However, President Eisenhower had visited Paris amid a warm reception (September 2-3). The president had previously made a similar visit to West Germany (August 26-27), where he and Secretary of State Herter talked with Chancellor Adenauer and Foreign Secretary von Brentano and other officials on the questions of disarmament, the situation in Berlin, German reunification, and European integration, including the North Atlantic Treaty Organization (NATO) and his visit to Great Britain. In Paris the president, along with Secretary Herter, conferred with President de Gaulle, Premier Debré, and Foreign Secretary Couve de Murville. The president also conferred with Italian Prime Minister Segni, who had come to Paris from Rome. In London, the president conferred with Foreign Minister Castiella of Spain, and letters were exchanged from and to Generalissimo Franco, who invited the president to visit Spain.
U.S. Relations with the U.S.S.R.
It was between the United States and Soviet Russia (U.S.S.R.) that visiting seemed for a time to reach its peak. Anastas Mikoyan, Soviet First Deputy Premier, visited the United States (January 4-20), unofficially, it was said, although he had conferences with the president, Secretary Dulles, and other high officials, without, of course, any agreements being concluded. Mikoyan's later reports to the press and the 21st Soviet Communist Party Congress (January 24 and 31) seemed to be very encouraging. Another Soviet First Deputy Premier, Frol Koslov, visited the United States later (June 28-July 13). Both visited not only Washington but various industrial and commercial centers as well, including the West Coast. The climax came with Nikita Khrushchev's visit (September 15-28). Although Khrushchev met privately with the president at Camp David, the president's lodge in the Maryland mountains, no formal agreements were concluded. But 'Mr. K.' did seem to have given rather definite assurances against any sudden or violent action over the Berlin problem and to have expressed himself in favor of renewed negotiations. Throughout the year Khrushchev continued to preach peace in the name of the 'spirit of Camp David,' although the Senate Subcommittee on Internal Security continued (November 9) to call in question Soviet motivation in 'cultural' exchanges and others queried the exact value of Khrushchev's utterances.
In the meantime Vice President Nixon had visited the U.S.S.R. (July 23-August 2) and Poland (August 2-5). Washington had announced (August 3) that not only would Khrushchev visit the United States but that President Eisenhower would visit the U.S.S.R.; later Eisenhower's visit was postponed to the spring of 1960.
Geneva Conference.
Early in the year (January 10), the U.S.S.R. proposed to the United States, Great Britain, France, and the other countries at war with Germany in the years 1939-1945, and to the two Germanys, a conference for the purpose of concluding a treaty of peace. This was answered (February 16) by the three Western powers, and by West Germany, in the negative; instead, they proposed a conference of foreign ministers for discussion of 'the problem of Germany.' This proposal was soon accepted by the U.S.S.R. in notes to the Western powers (March 2), although a proposal for a summit conference of the heads of governments was the main proposal put forward in the notes. Shortly afterward (March 26) the 'Big Three' formally proposed to Moscow that their foreign ministers meet on May 11 in Geneva to discuss the German problem. This was promptly (March 30) accepted by the U.S.S.R. The foreign ministers duly met on the appointed day, adjourned after five weeks (June 20), then reassembled three weeks later (July 13), remained in session for another three weeks, and finally adjourned (August 5), leaving resumption of work to be settled through diplomatic channels. The conference came to nothing because both sides proved adamant on the two major issues, the situation in Berlin and the terms of peace with Germany.
The President's Trip.
Plans were somewhat dramatically announced (November 4) for an unprecedented trip by President Eisenhower to various countries in Europe, Africa, and Asia (including Italy, Turkey, Pakistan, Afghanistan, India, Iran, Greece, and France) beginning on December 3. In the meantime the East-West summit conference, which had been planned for that month, was postponed until the spring of 1960. It was hoped that the president's trip would help reconcile the programs for this meeting being advanced by the French and West German governments, which were somewhat discordant both as to representation and agenda.
Western Europe.
Visiting in the cause of peace and good international relations was not confined to the United States, Great Britain, and the U.S.S.R. Italian Prime Minister Fanfani visited Cairo as a guest of the U.A.R. (January 6-9), and later (January 10-11) Greece; in each case statements were issued dealing with political relations, and especially with economic relations, between Italy and the U.A.R. and between Italy and Greece. Prime Minister Macmillan and Foreign Minister Selwyn Lloyd visited the U.S.S.R. (February 21-March 3) and returned strong advocates of a summit conference for the near future. Later (March 12-13), Macmillan and Lloyd visited Paris and Bonn for discussion of matters of common interest; Italian Foreign Minister Pella visited London (March 17), and then Paris (March 18-19), where he was joined by Prime Minister Segni, for discussions with President de Gaulle, Prime Minister Debré, and Foreign Minister Couve de Murville, particularly on the problem of Berlin and Germany. Thence Segni and Pella visited Bonn for two days of discussions of a similar nature with Prime Minister Adenauer and Foreign Minister von Brentano. This whole series of personal visits took place in a time when mechanical means of communication have reached their highest known pitch of efficiency and so confirmed one of the professional diplomat's deepest convictions, that to settle a problem 'send a man.'
The visits continued with the trip of Debré and Couve de Murville to London (April 13-14). This was followed by the visit of President de Gaulle to Italy (June 23-28), largely ceremonial in character, though with some political discussions by De Gaulle and Foreign Minister Couve de Murville with Italian Prime Minister Segni and Foreign Minister Pella. While in Rome, De Gaulle was also received by the Pope (June 27), who spoke of the international position of France, aid to backward countries, and peace. On the other hand, plans for a visit by Khrushchev to the Scandinavian countries, announced earlier, were cancelled (July 20) because of alleged unfriendly attitudes on the part of political leaders and the press in those countries. Spanish Foreign Minister Castiella visited London (August 30-September 3) for conferences with President Eisenhower, and British Foreign Secretary Selwyn Lloyd went to Paris (September 5) for a conference with President de Gaulle. British Labour Party leaders Gaitskell and Bevan made an unofficial visit to Moscow (August 30-September 8).
Further examples of this extraordinary exchange of visits may be listed: Spanish Foreign Minister Castiella in Bonn (November 10 and 11); Adenauer and Erhard (announced in Bonn November 11) to go to Spain later; De Gaulle to go to London in April, 1960 (announced in Paris November 12); Couve de Murville to go to the Netherlands and to Rome in December (announced at the same time). Selwyn Lloyd had a seemingly fruitful conference with Couve de Murville in Paris (November 9-11). On the other hand, the Italian government reportedly let it be known (November 9) that it did not desire any visit from Khrushchev in spite of the fact that Italian President Gronchi was soon to visit Moscow (January 1960).
A somewhat unusual meeting of the leaders of four small political entities — Andorra, Liechtenstein, Monaco, and San Marino — was held in Liechtenstein October 22. It was voted to invite Luxembourg and Sark to attend the summit conference of the 'Little Six' to be held in 1960 in Andorra. Peace and encouragement of tourism were reported to have been the main questions discussed.
Progress toward European Integration.
The movement for European integration was maintained, albeit at an uncertain pace.
NATO.
Thus, from time to time uncertainties were felt and expressed concerning the central item in this program, the North Atlantic Treaty Organization (NATO). All during the year the relations of France to that organization constituted a major problem. In the spring (March 13) NATO spokesmen let it be known that France had decided to keep her Mediterranean fleet, largest support of NATO in that area, under national control in peace or war; NATO commander Gen. Lauris Norstad of the United States expressed concern and regret over this action. In the summer (July 8), after France continued to refuse to allow the stockpiling of nuclear weapons on French soil unless the United States shared with her nuclear information that would enable her to manufacture atomic bombs and also gave her full support in her Algerian policy, it was announced by Supreme Headquarters Allied Powers in Europe (SHAPE) that U.S. air squadrons would be moved out of France and transferred to West Germany and Great Britain. France also reduced her land and air support of NATO and seemed to be unwilling to undertake any new engagements in or under that organization. In the fall of 1958 (September 24), she proposed a directorate of herself, Great Britain, and the United States within that organization; Italy and West Germany reacted immediately in the negative as did other countries. By late in the year the situation had improved somewhat, as the United States assured the other NATO members of full participation in NATO decisions (November 9). The situation was further improved by the meeting of the NATO Council in Washington (November 16-20), although no pretense was made there of dealing specifically with the difficulties raised by the French actions. An announcement (October 30) that Turkey had agreed to the building of launching ramps for Jupiter missiles on her territory further strengthened the organization. But toward the end of the year, a very serious disagreement was revealed between France, on the one side, and the United States, Great Britain, and West Germany, on the other side, over the question of integrated military forces for NATO.
Other Integrating Bodies.
A number of other bodies enter into an appraisal of the progress toward European integration. There is the Council of Europe with its headquarters at Strasbourg, devoted to consideration and discussion of European problems of all kinds but with little or no power to act. There are three organs of a group of countries often referred to as the 'Six' (Belgium, France, Germany, Italy, Luxembourg, and the Netherlands): the Coal and Steel Community, the European Economic Community (the so-called 'Common Market'), and the European Atomic Energy Community (known as Euratom). These three communities of 'Six' all continued to develop. On the other hand, efforts to establish a wider European free-trade area, which had reached a decisive setback in December 1958, never revived within the framework of the 17-nation OEEC (Organization for European Economic Co-operation). The 'Outer Seven' — Austria, Denmark, Great Britain, Norway, Portugal, Sweden, and Switzerland — had by the end of the year completed agreement on a European Free Trade Area (EFTA), variously conceived as a defensive measure or as an offensive weapon by which to force some better accommodation of trade relations with the 'Six.' It seemed possible that Finland would become associated with the 'Outer Seven' in some way, although probably not as a full member.
The introduction of external convertibility for the currencies of the principal Western European countries at the end of 1958 was followed (January 30) by transfer to a new European Monetary Agreement of the capital of the old European Payments Union, which was thereby liquidated. In view of improved balance-of-payments situations and at the continued urging of the United States and Canada, moves were made in the course of the year to eliminate remaining quantitative restrictions on imports.
Eastern Europe.
A visit by East German delegates to Moscow (June 8-20) and a visit by Soviet leaders to Poland (July 14-23) were the occasions for new declarations confirming the Oder-Neisse line between Poland and East Germany and calling for revision of the status of Berlin. Agreements were made by the U.S.S.R. for financial and technical aid to Albania (July 3), for financial aid to Indonesia (July 28), and for aid to India in connection with that country's five-year plan of economic development (September 12 and 28). A meeting of the Soviet bloc's Council for Mutual Economic Assistance in Tirana, Albania (May 13-16) was held to promote further economic interdependence within the Communist bloc. In the same category perhaps should be included the visit by Khrushchev to Romania (October 20-25) and efforts on his part a little later to maintain the allegiance of the Gomulka government in Poland. The U.S.S.R. also announced (August 23) a project for an oil pipeline to Poland, East Germany, Hungary, and Czechoslovakia.
Meanwhile, in Yugoslavia Tito had been carrying on his program of 'national Communism.' An extensive tour of eight Asian and African countries (December 1958-March 1959) emphasized his determination to remain active. During 1959 Yugoslavia also sought and obtained a closer form of association with the contracting parties to GATT, making it the first Communist country to obtain such status (Czechoslovakia is a full contracting partner by the accident of having joined before it fell under Communist domination).
The Middle East.
During 1957 and 1958 this area had been the scene of great unrest and violent disturbances. During 1959 the situation became a great deal quieter, without, however, many, or perhaps any, of its major problems being solved.
Cyprus Question.
The settlement of the four-year-old question of the status of Cyprus, by agreement between Greece and Turkey, with British aid and consent (February 19), provided a very welcome note in this sector. Details were given to the world in the text published in London (February 28). With the election of Archbishop Makarios, to the presidency (December 15), the future appeared promising.
Iraq.
Iraq, under its new government, headed by Gen. Abdul Karim el-Kassim, following the revolution of July 1958, concluded an agreement with the U.S.S.R. (March 11) for economic and technical co-operation. General Kassim, however, repeatedly rejected bids for Communist participation in his government (April 30, May 23, July 13).
Egypt and Israel.
Less encouraging were the seizures by Egypt of ships and cargoes, including mail, seeking to pass through the Suez Canal when either ships or cargo were Israeli-owned or destined for Israel, even though the ships and cargoes were in some cases owned by Australian, British, Danish, Japanese, or Philippine nationals. Protests by other powers, the Universal Postal Union, and the UN (through Secretary General Dag Hammarskjold) met adamant Egyptian resistance based on the argument that a state of war still existed between Egypt and Israel.
Arab States.
The Arab states themselves took several steps during the year which were calculated to consolidate good relations with each other. Thus the Arab League, which has not been as active recently as its beginnings might have led one to expect, took promising steps early in the year (January 11) by setting up an Arab Development Company and an Arab Navigation Company, as well as by backing a project for an Arab Pipeline Company.
An agreement on transit facilities and traffic between Lebanon and Syria was accompanied by a similar agreement on political questions still subsisting between them (February 16). Lebanese delegates met President Nasser, representing the U.A.R., to discuss outstanding economic and political issues (March 25). The meeting was held in strict secrecy, but it was announced that the participants had agreed to collaborate closely in all problems, particularly those of Lebanese-Syrian relations. Later it was announced in Cairo (August 16) that diplomatic relations between the U.A.R. and Jordan had been resumed; still later (August 31-September 3) King Saud of Saudi Arabia visited President Nasser, and it was announced that full co-operation had been renewed between the two countries. Friction between Iraq and the U.A.R. continued. The latter country, however, concluded (early November) satisfactory agreements with both Great Britain and Sudan on the uses of the waters of the Nile and the exploitation of the projected Aswan high dam.
Iran enjoyed a period of quiet in the year 1959. She continued to take a modest part in CENTO although assailed by the U.S.S.R. for her membership in that organization as well as for her military defense agreement with the United States. Negotiations on her own part with the U.S.S.R. for a nonaggression treaty collapsed (January 29).
U.S. and Soviet Policies.
At one time there had been a great deal of discussion of U.S. and Soviet policies in the Middle East. During the year 1959 not so much explicit discussion of this character was heard, though the problem obviously still remained. The agreement between the U.S.S.R. and Iraq (March 16) was symptomatic of Russian interest in the area, as was the later agreement concluded by the U.A.R. in Moscow (September 8) for extensive Soviet aid, financial and technical, in the building of the Aswan dam. Toward the end of the year, however, there were signs of a cooling between the U.S.S.R. and the Arab world in general.
Africa.
With regard to Libya, Tunisia, and Morocco, no important new events or developments are to be noted except in relation to the Algerian problem. To treat the Algerian situation as an international problem runs counter to the French claim that this is purely a domestic concern in which neither other countries nor the UN have any right to interfere. The facts of the case, however, not to mention repeated decisions by or within the UN, do not seem to justify the French view. Unfortunately the question of the status of that unhappy and disturbed country and its relations to France has not been settled. The Algerian rebellion continued in the south and west, aggravated by the extreme resistance of French and some Muslim elements to anything but continued French rule and to anything like independence, even within a French 'union' or 'community.' Although President de Gaulle offered (September 16) an opportunity to the people of Algeria to vote on a threefold choice — independence, autonomy and federation with France, or integration — no final settlement has been made. A lively and even violent debate on the statement took place in the National Assembly in Paris (October 13-15), which culminated in an overwhelming vote (441 to 23) in support of De Gaulle and his program. But no substantial developments in the situation could be noted, even after President de Gaulle's much heralded press conference of November 10, during which he simply reiterated his earlier pronouncement while giving some indications of willingness to discuss with native Algerian leaders the terms of a cease-fire in Algeria.
An isolated but interesting event came with the declaration of the government of Morocco (October 17) that the statute of the International City of Tangier was to cease its operation after six months. It was later announced (October 26) by the Moroccan government that Tangier would be maintained as a free port. Just what the net effects of these steps will be remains to be seen.
Meanwhile, the process of independence for African colonies of European powers continued. There were even Belgian promises to the Congo of reforms in colonial administration and ultimate independence (January 13, October 16), which had been preceded and were followed by riots in Léopoldville and elsewhere; similar plans were announced in Brussels later (November 10) for Ruanda-Urundi, territories under the trusteeship of Belgium. Individual new states made new agreements with one another and with non-African states (the agreements, for instance, between Guinea and the U.S.S.R. on trade and economic and technical aid). Finally strong movements for federation among new African states developed; a conference of heads of three West African states — Ghana, Guinea, and Liberia — was held (July 16-19) for discussion of political questions. The prime minister of Ghana, Dr. Nkrumah, visited Guinea (April 23-May 12) and a joint proposal for a general union of all independent African states resulted. It might be interposed here that Dr. Nkrumah also visited Queen Elizabeth at her invitation (August 11-12) and was named privy councillor, an honor which only four other Commonwealth statesmen had previously received.
Two West African states within the French Community — Senegal and the Sudanese Republic — united to form the federal state of Mali (January 17), and four autonomous Equatorial African states within the Community — Central African Republic, Chad, Gabon, and the Republic of the Congo — established a customs union and 'economic federation.' The meetings in Paris of the Executive Council of the French Community acted upon a number of points; these included inauguration of the Mali Federation, the setting up of the Court of Arbitration, and the furtherance of new federal and customs unions. Along these same lines was the reorganization (February 4 and March 11) of the French Organisation Commune des Régions Sahariennes to take account of recent economic and social developments. At the sixth Executive Council meeting in December a statement was issued that negotiations would shortly be opened between the Mali Federation and France for the transfer of responsibilities now shared in common and for the signature of co-operative agreements. Though independent, the two Mali states would remain in the Community, but President de Gaulle's references to 'necessary changes' and to 'evolution' were understood to foreshadow its transformation into a grouping of independent states with control of their own diplomatic representation abroad. Allusions were also current as to the imminent independence of the Malagasy Republic, and the future of the autonomous republics in Equatorial Africa was understood to be under consideration.
A conference of nine independent African states, none members of the French Community, was held in Monrovia, Liberia (August 4-8). The conference admitted the Algerian Provisional Government, and there was much critical discussion of French policy and action in regard to Algeria. A visit by President Sekou Touré of Guinea to Washington, London, Bonn, and Moscow was made (beginning November 10) in search of assurances of economic and technical aid for his country.
In the Union of South Africa, the apartheid policy of the government, another 'internal' problem having strong international repercussions, continued. Discussion in the UN General Assembly effected no great change. Serious disturbances arose in Nyasaland in connection with the problem of federation with Rhodesia, but again no definite results were forthcoming.
British plans for Somaliland were announced (February 9), but would take a long time to mature or be carried out. Similar Italian plans for the independence of Somalia were carried forward under a UN decision dating back to 1950. Finally, aging Emperor Haile Selassie of Ethiopia, not to be outdone in the business of visiting, went (June 24-August 24) to the Sudan, U.A.R., U.S.S.R., Czechoslovakia, Belgium, France, Portugal, and Yugoslavia before returning to Addis Ababa. Few agreements were concluded on this long trip, but the U.S.S.R. did promise aid for Ethiopia.
Asia.
Serious internal political developments, not to say disturbances, took place in Pakistan, and these resulted in a strengthening of the government. The new government was able to conclude a new, more promising agreement with India (April 17) on the troublesome problem of water rights in the Indus Valley, and the two countries seemed drawn further together by the threat of Communist China.
India faced new problems during the year. Difficult relations with Pakistan persisted, although a helpful agreement was concluded between the two countries (October 23) over the boundaries between India and East Pakistan. Threats from Communist China also seemed to draw the two countries together; there were even signs of a possible compromise on Kashmir. On the other hand, serious trouble developed between India and China. Perhaps anticipating later events, Indian Prime Minister Nehru visited Nepal (April 11-14) shortly after the uprising in Tibet to strengthen that country's ties with India; he had visited Bhutan in the previous year. Later (November 27) India gave notice that she would defend Nepal from any attack.
Southeast Asia.
Laos was the scene of the most serious and prolonged troubles. Disputes between that country and North Vietnam, held over from previous years, continued and became more serious. By contrast, agreements were made with South Vietnam (May 24) on both economic and political questions such as extradition, frontiers, trade, and other matters. Communist activities in northern Laos became so dangerous that British Foreign Secretary Selwyn Lloyd met with Soviet Foreign Minister Gromyko in Geneva, when both were attending the foreign ministers' conference, to discuss the question. The British refused, however, to reconvene the International Commission for supervision and control in Laos, set up by a conference held in Geneva in 1954, and rejected Communist charges against the government of Laos. The latter felt compelled eventually (August 4) to declare a state of emergency because of alleged Communist activities in its northern provinces. It later (September 4) appealed to the UN to send out an emergency force to control the situation. After some debate, the UN Security Council decided (September 7) to send out a committee to investigate the situation.
Cambodia had also been having troubles concerning relations with South Vietnam and Thailand, both of which had complaints against it dating back over a year. Some measure of understanding and relaxation was accomplished by a visit of Cambodian Prime Minister Prince Norodom Sihanouk, together with the ministers of foreign affairs and defense, to South Vietnam (August 4-5).
Affairs in Indonesia showed improvement. The shipment of small arms to that country by the United States (February 8) helped counterbalance the influence of the U.S.S.R. An apparently amicable and satisfactory discussion was had with New Zealand and Australia over the unsettled status of West Guinea (February 10-15).
A promising meeting of the South East Asia Treaty Organization (SEATO) was held in Wellington, New Zealand, in the spring (April 8-10); that organization, according to the statement issued at the conclusion of its meeting, continued to pursue its economic, military, and political aims with reasonable success.
China.
Relations between China and her neighbors and between that country and the rest of the world, even the U.S.S.R., remained seriously troubled. There occurred no reopening of the artillery fire on the coastal island of Quemoy nor any attack on Taiwan, China's attitude toward the Nationalist regime on Taiwan remained hostile, and in this Peking was supported by Moscow, or so Khrushchev wrote to President Eisenhower. In the spring (March 17) occurred a serious uprising in Tibet staged by opponents of Chinese rule. Communist Chinese forces intervened and put down the rebellion and dissolved the Tibetan government. The Dalai Lama escaped to India. Other countries, especially India, became concerned and the matter was finally brought before the UN.
When Chinese troops fired on Indian frontier guards in the Ladakh area (October 21) a serious conflict of interests and policies between Peking and New Delhi emerged. Nehru protested strongly to Chinese Communist Premier Chou En-lai (November 8) and Chou replied (November 10) with certain proposals for mutual withdrawal of troops, a neutral zone, and negotiations. Nehru replied in the negative and made certain counterproposals (November 15). The matter had already come up before the UN General Assembly.
Communist China's relations with Japan remained dormant, including the extremely important (at least to Japan) problem of trade and the problem of repatriation of Korean Communists still in Japan.
The U.S.S.R. continued in general to support Peking, although on the occasion of a visit to that city (end of September) Mr. Khrushchev seems to have tried to exert some influence on Mao Tse-tung and Chou En-lai in the direction of nonwarlike action, especially in Southeast Asia. An agreement for further financial and technical aid to Communist China from Moscow had been signed early in the year (February 7), but nothing was said publicly about military aid, although it was generally known that such aid was being extended. However, the United States, supported by a majority of other countries, continued to refuse recognition to China or to vote for her admission to the UN in spite of doubts, even in the United States, about both the justice and the practical value of this position. In the meantime, the Chinese Communist government continued to approve North Vietnam's hostility toward Laos, and late in the year continued charges of Chinese intervention in Laos were widely made. Also Peking, or so it was announced (November 6), was sending large amounts of money and supplies to the Algerian rebels.
The relations of Japan with the rest of the world offered few outstanding points of interest. Relations with the United States remained cordial, and so did Japan's relations within the UN. Her serious problems awaited the future for their solution.
Latin America.
The unfortunately all-too-accurate picture of Latin America as an area of dictatorships counterbalanced by popular revolutions or uprisings was not greatly altered during 1959.
The outstanding example of this came with the overthrow of the dictatorship of Fulgencio Batista in Cuba by the movement headed by Fidel Castro (January 1). When Batista fled to the Dominican Republic, Dr. Manuel Urrutia Lleo became president of Cuba, and Castro soon after (February 16) became prime minister. The question of relations with the United States became acute: the latter was accused of having aided and abetted Batista; on the other hand, certain actions, taken or impending, of the Castro government toward U.S. citizens or their property became matters of diplomatic and public controversy. A slight improvement on this score emerged as time passed. Trials of alleged war criminals, former officers or men in the Batista forces, which had stirred up much condemnation in the United States, were transferred to the civil courts. Castro visited Washington, conferred with Secretary Herter, and met several members of the House of Representatives and Senate; he also visited New York and Boston. On the other hand, a land-reform measure (June 4) threatened to reopen controversy, and still later (October) trouble arose over activities of opponents of Premier Castro in attacking his regime, with propaganda, by plane from the United States. Thus, relations between Cuba and the United States remained difficult down to the end of the year.
Somewhat earlier in the year (June) the Castro government itself was accused of responsibility for an attempted airborne invasion of Nicaragua. Here the Organization of American States (OAS) stepped in (June 4-14) with an investigation. A similar attempted invasion of the Dominican Republic, which was accused by Castro and his supporters of complicity with the former Batista regime in Cuba, was repulsed (June 10); complaints by the Dominican Republic charging Cuba with responsibility were heard at once. Cuba severed diplomatic relations with the Dominican Republic soon afterward (June 28).
The OAS has been more alert and watchful during this period than it has sometimes been in the past. It also created an Inter-American Development Bank and Fund for Special Operations (April 8) with large U.S. support. Also the OAS decided (July 17) that a foreign ministers' conference should meet in Santiago, Chile in August to consider the situation and the tensions in the Caribbean area. Still later (October 20) the OAS decided to set up an Inter-American Nuclear Energy Commission.
On the credit side also may be noted the going into effect of a Central American Common Market (January 8). Dr. Milton Eisenhower, the president's brother and president of Johns Hopkins University, also submitted (January 3) a comprehensive and constructive report on relations between the United States and Latin American countries and how they could be improved, which led to the setting up in Washington of a National Advisory Committee on Inter-American Affairs.
Disarmament.
Disarmament, partial or complete, has been a problem before the nations ever since the beginning of the century; but since 1920 it has come to assume much more serious proportions. To it is now joined the problem of nuclear energy, both as regards research and application — in particular the extremely difficult problem of nuclear weapons.
All through the year proposals for more or less general and more or less complete disarmament were put forward by the United States, Great Britain, and the U.S.S.R. Widespread public attention and encouragement were aroused by such proposals. This movement may be said to have culminated in the proposal put before the members of the UN General Assembly by the U.S.S.R. toward the end of the year (September 18). As the year ended these proposals were being considered, but no concrete action on them had been taken. Although the Disarmament Commission of the UN was still in existence and functioning, the creation of a new 10-power Committee on Disarmament to work in aid of the 85-power UN Commission was announced simultaneously in Washington, London, Paris, and Moscow (September 7). Besides the 'Big Four,' Bulgaria, Canada, Czechoslovakia, Italy, Poland, and Romania (making an over-all even division between East and West) were to be invited to participate.
Proposals for disarmament today relate not only to what are called 'conventional' armaments, but also to guided missiles and nuclear weapons. Although delegates and experts from the United States, Great Britain, and the U.S.S.R. continued to meet during the year in search of a formal agreement banning nuclear weapons tests that would supplement the present voluntary abstention, there was not much progress.
In mid-June the U.S.S.R. proposed the creation of 'atom-free zones' where no missiles or atomic weapons would be admitted; the areas proposed were the Scandinavian countries and the Baltic area. While on a trip to Albania late in May, Khrushchev had made a similar proposal concerning Italy and the Balkans. This was subsequently restated in a formal note sent (June 25) to the United States, France, Great Britain, Greece, Italy, and Turkey, but the proposal was turned down by all the countries approached.
Although scant progress was made toward nuclear disarmament, announcement was made in Washington (May 28) of a conference to be held there October 15 on the peaceful use of Antarctica. The conference, including the United States, the U.S.S.R., and other powers having claims in that region, met and began with a pledge to keep that region free of war. On December 1, the conferees signed a convention for setting up an inspection system to enforce demilitarization in that region.
Peaceful Uses of Nuclear Energy.
Up to now, individual states have sponsored the bulk of activity in the fields of nuclear research and armament. Notable contributions by individual states in 1959 included the publication (March 22) by the United States of the report of an extensive investigation of radioactive fallout. Great Britain followed suit a little later (April 28). However, there were also developments in the nature of bilateral or multilateral activity. Canada consented (March 24) to turn over to the International Atomic Energy Agency (IAEA), set up in 1956, certain amounts of uranium for sale to Japan.
Agreements between two or three states in these matters are also to be noted. Thus the Netherlands and Norway agreed early in the year (January 27) to co-operate on nuclear research and the utilization of atomic energy. The United States, Great Britain, and France agreed (May 7) on the sharing of atomic materials. Canada and Pakistan agreed (May 14) on certain aspects of peaceful uses of atomic energy. Canada also made agreements for similar co-operation with Australia and Japan (July 2, August 5). More important was the agreement between the United States and the U.S.S.R. (November 24) for the exchange of scientists dealing with the peaceful uses of atomic energy.
Finally, multipartite actions in this field assumed large proportions. Spain was admitted to participation in the European Nuclear Energy plant under OEEC (announcement in Paris, January 30). Similarly under OEEC, the board of management of the Dragon reactor project in England met for the first time (June 1) and the Halden reactor in Norway went into operation (June 29). The first meeting of the assembly of 'Eurochemic' (European Company for the Chemical Processing of Irradiated Fuels) was held (late in July), and a Nuclear Security Control convention among ten European countries went into force August 10. The participating countries, in the order of the their ratifications, were Great Britain, the Irish Republic, Switzerland, Norway, France, Denmark, the Netherlands, Turkey, West Germany, and Belgium. All of this activity was likewise within the framework of OEEC.
Trade and Finance.
The continuous movement of goods across national frontiers in response to the needs of producers and consumers, which makes up the bulk of trade among the Western countries, is essentially a matter of countless private decisions. Even where trade is conducted by state-owned producing or purchasing agencies, much of their activity takes place in response to normal commercial considerations. Hence, with important exceptions, notably in the field of monetary policy and investment, the record of free-world activity in trade and finance in 1959 is mainly the story of efforts by governments to facilitate trade by adjustments in their trade-regulatory policies and by negotiations to obtain more advantageous trading conditions abroad for the goods their countries normally export.
During 1959 international trade generally increased both in volume and in value as the United States recovered from its recession. Intergovernmental activity centered around the improvement in the balance-of-payments situation that had enabled most Western European countries to make their currencies externally convertible at the close of 1958.
The greatly improved reserve position of major European trading countries implied that such countries were rapidly approaching the point at which they would have no further legitimate reason to retain quantitative restrictions on imports. They were entitled under the General Agreement on Tariffs and Trade to keep such restrictions only as long as they were needed to safeguard low currency reserves against further depletion. In fact, it had been evident for some time that many such restrictions, particularly in the field of agriculture, were being maintained for their protective effects rather than from any currency considerations, but as long as most countries' over-all balance-of-payments positions remained weak this excuse served as a curtain which effectively prevented searching international examination or effective pressure for removing the restrictions. It is not surprising, therefore, that most of the year's activity under the GATT centered around examinations of individual countries' import restrictions in an effort, spearheaded by the United States and Canada, to goad the laggards into further liberalization on a world-wide basis. Much progress resulted. A settlement with West Germany was reached under the GATT (May), whereby some immediate relaxation of restrictions was obtained and other measures were promised on a fixed timetable. The United Kingdom announced two liberalization lists during the year, as did France. Many other countries followed suit.
The impending removal of the balance-of-payments screen also highlighted the urgency of a concerted international attack on agricultural protection, which emerged as the greatest single area in which quantitative restrictions were being used for protection. It also became plain that balance-of-payments restrictions had been used to shield national industries against competition from imports from countries where wages were far below those of local producers. Japan, India, and Ceylon undertook a drive for progressive relaxation of foreign countries' barriers to their imports. While no immediate results were obtained in either area, various countries have recognized the urgency of both problems and have shown a desire to modify their behavior.
Moreover, as an outgrowth of the poorer primary commodity markets of recent years, and as a result of the threat to established trade which some countries see in the introduction of preferences in the markets of the 'Six' for the products of associated overseas territories, increasing attention was given to ways of helping expedite trade development for less developed countries. Their wish, paralleling that of Western Europe some years ago, is now 'trade not aid', or rather trade in addition to aid, and the same combination of political and economic factors which lent urgency to this appeal in Europe operates today to inspire a search for ways of diversifying and making more profitable the production of less developed countries of Asia, Africa, and Latin America.
Finally, the contracting parties to GATT continued to prepare for extensive tariff negotiations (scheduled to begin in September 1960), during which adjustments are to be negotiated in the existing tariff obligations of the 'Six.' New negotiations of additional reciprocal concessions are also to be undertaken generally among contracting parties. How extensive such negotiations will actually prove seemed likely, at the end of the year, to depend mainly on developments in relations between the 'Six' and the 'Outer Seven.'
In the field of financial aid to less developed countries, the United States and various other individual countries continued various investment and aid programs, as did the International Bank for Reconstruction and Development (IBRD), the International Finance Corporation, and the UN Technical Assistance Program. It was decided late in the year to establish a new International Development Association, affiliated with the International Monetary Fund and IBRD, to meet certain needs not previously covered by any institution. An increase in the capitalization of the IMF was also accepted, which should enable it to help countries having temporary balance-of-payments difficulties with greater advances than have hitherto been available.
Special urgency was given to both the wider participation of Western Europe in development programs and the need for rapid movement toward liberalization of trade restrictions by changes in the U.S. balance-of-payments situation. Though the surplus of U.S. exports over imports was expected to amount to about $3.5 billions in 1959, the United States gave plain warning that other countries would have to pick up a greater share of the foreign-aid programs and would have, as well, to expedite the lowering of barriers to U.S. exports.
Trade between East and West, as it involves dealing with government agencies that do not always operate on commercial conditions, has remained largely outside the framework of GATT and continues to be conducted mainly through bipartite agreements under which Soviet bloc countries undertake to purchase specific quantities of named goods in exchange for rights to sell named exports within fixed ceilings. This situation operates, of course, as an impediment to complete removal of quantitative restrictions by the Western countries, who fear that liberalization would deprive them of their bargaining power with the East. Countries highly dependent on trade with the Soviet bloc, such as Finland and Austria, are under the greatest handicap in this regard. During 1959 a new five-year agreement was concluded between Great Britain and the U.S.S.R. (May 24). A two-year agreement between Denmark and the U.S.S.R. went into force on June 1.
In the field of commodity trade, where a somewhat greater degree of governmental intervention and control exists, there were numerous conferences and developments also. Early in the year (January 26) the International Tin Council, continuing its long-standing activities, announced that the U.S.S.R. had agreed to a restriction of tin exports to non-Communist countries. A five-nation (Argentina, Australia, Canada, France, and the United States) conference on wheat disposal was held in Washington (May 4-6). Consultations on the problem of trade in lead and zinc were also held in New York during the spring.
Various negotiations for settlement of outstanding international claims made some progress. An agreement was concluded between Egypt and Great Britain (March 1) concerning the settlement of claims growing out of nationalization of the Suez Canal. This followed similar agreements concluded by Egypt in 1958 with France and the Suez Canal Company. Late in the year, on the occasion of Khrushchev's visit to the United States, it appeared that the U.S.S.R. might move to reopen long-stalled negotiations concerning the lend-lease debt of the U.S.S.R. to the United States and the old debts of the Kerensky government in order to clear the way for possible action by the United States to lift the current legislative ban on credits for the U.S.S.R. contained in the Johnson Act.
The commercial arbitration convention on 'Recognition and Enforcement of Foreign Arbitral Awards,' signed in 1958 by 27 countries, went into force on June 7.
The important North Atlantic fisheries again came in for attention with the conclusion of a convention among ten North Atlantic countries (January 24), but in the matter of whaling serious difficulties arose. Notice of withdrawal from the International Whaling Convention had been given by Norway (December 3, 1958), pending agreement on quotas with Britain, Japan, and the Netherlands; this was soon (January 2, 1959) followed by similar action by the Netherlands. Great Britain then intimated (January 5) that she might be compelled to take similar action in the near future in view of these withdrawals, but at the eleventh annual meeting of the International Whaling Commission (June 22-July 1) only the Netherlands and Norway withdrew. An effort was made to remedy the situation by revision of the quotas allowed for catching, but with no results.
In shipping, the International Maritime Consultative Organization (IMCO), set up by the United Nations in 1958, held its inaugural session at the beginning of the year (January 6-19) and went on adding member states steadily: Sweden (32nd member), Denmark (33rd member), Ghana (34th). Also, nine countries (Great Britain, Denmark, France, West Germany, Italy, Netherlands, Norway, Sweden, and the United States) met informally in Washington to consider and discuss U.S. shipping policies (June 8-11). Such a discussion of the policies of one country by representatives of other countries may be regarded as somewhat unusual; on the other hand, no action was taken nor were any conclusions adopted. In aviation, a number of bipartite agreements were concluded: between India and Italy (July 12); United States and France (August 5); Canada and Germany (September 4).
Cultural Relations.
The development of cultural relations among the nations in 1959 took many forms. Outstanding, of course, were the U.S.S.R. exposition in New York, opened June 29 by Soviet First Deputy Premier Koslov, and the U.S. exposition in Moscow, opened on July 24 by Vice President Nixon. Both expositions stressed scientific and social aspects of life in the two countries but were not without political implications.
Somewhat different was the Commonwealth Educational Conference held in Oxford (July 15-19), attended by representatives from the older dominions as well as from Ceylon, Ghana, Malaya, Pakistan, and the Federation of Rhodesia and Nyasaland. Advisors from numerous colonial territories were attached to the British delegation.
The Pope announced (January 24) plans for an ecumenical council on the problem of unification of all Christian churches, but the announcement did not meet with a universal welcome and the meeting was later (October 20) postponed.
A number of formal international agreements were concluded in various fields. These included an agreement among Australia, Canada, Great Britain, New Zealand, the Union of South Africa, and the United States on the definition of the yard (linear measurement) and the pound (weight). Bipartite agreements were concluded between the U.S.S.R. and Iraq (May 5) for scientific and cultural co-operation; between Finland and Hungary (June 10) on cultural relations in general; between Czechoslovakia and India (July 7); and between Sudan and Yugoslavia (June-July), these last two covering economics and technology as well as science and cultural matters in general. The United States and the U.S.S.R. extended (November 2) their scientific, cultural, and educational agreement for two years. Shortly afterward (December 1) Great Britain and the U.S.S.R. concluded a cultural agreement. It was also announced that the United States and France would exchange scientific and cultural expositions in 1961.
The United Nations.
The principal organs of the UN, it may be recalled, are the General Assembly, the Security Council, the Economic and Social Council (ECOSOC), the Trusteeship Council, and the International Court of Justice. The General Assembly numbers over 400 delegates, representing all of the member states of the UN (at present 82). The Security Council has eleven members, representing as many states, and the ECOSOC eighteen. The Trusteeship Council had fourteen members in 1959 and the Court fifteen. The Secretariat embraces over four thousand persons. There are also a multitude of committees and commissions functioning under these principal organs, especially under ECOSOC, which has highly autonomous regional commissions for Europe (ECE), Latin America (ECLA), the Far East (ECAFE), and for Africa (ECA). The so-called specialized agencies, now twelve in number, each a league of nations in itself (with an assembly, executive organ, and secretariat), all function in principle under the General Assembly and ECOSOC but in reality are almost completely autonomous. These include the Universal Postal Union, the International Labor Organization, the World Health Organization, the International Bank for Reconstruction and Development, and the International Monetary Fund.
Many meetings and actions, general and special, of all these commissions and agencies during 1959 could be recorded. Highlights included the first session of ECA (December 29, 1958 to January 6, 1959) and the announcement (May 4) of the first technical aid projects under the UN Special Fund set up by the thirteenth General Assembly in 1958. A special meeting of the General Assembly was held (February 20) to consider the status of the British and French Cameroons, and on the basis of the report of a special mission sent out to those territories the Assembly voted in favor of independence for the French Cameroons and for holding a plebiscite in the British Cameroons to determine the future of that territory. An example of international action held apart from the UN itself is seen in the International Wheat Agreement concluded (March 10) at a conference sponsored by the UN. The Secretary General, Dag Hammarskjold, spoke in Copenhagen (May 2) on the relations of the UN to the forthcoming foreign ministers' conference, the problem of Berlin, and projected summit conferences. He also went to Laos (November 10), on the invitation of that government, to study the situation there. This trip, made despite the opposition of the U.S.S.R., was another example of the active role played by Hammarskjold in UN and world affairs. World population figures — a total of 2,800,000,000, broken down in various ways — were released May 31 in the annual Demographic Yearbook. Agents of the UN Mixed Armistice Commission succeeded in stopping firing on the frontier between Israel and Syria (October 23). An unusual step was taken (in June) in the setting up of a special advisory Economic Policy Board within the Secretariat to deal with requests for technical assistance, one of the more extensive fields of activity of the UN.
The climax in UN activities came in the fall with the meeting of the fourteenth session of the General Assembly (September 15). It was obvious that a number of the problems mentioned already in this review — including Algeria, Communist China, disarmament, Laos, nuclear weapons (especially the French plans to explode a nuclear bomb over the Sahara), the Suez blockade against Israel, and Tibet — would come before the fourteenth General Assembly in one form or another. When the Assembly convened, a special organizational difficulty arose over the election of the nonpermanent members of the Security council. The crux of the difficulty lay in the rivalry between Poland and Turkey, supported respectively by the East and the West; the outcome was a compromise whereby Poland would serve the first year of the two-year term and Turkey the second.
A recommendatory charter on the rights of children — 'Children's Charter' — was approved in the General Assembly's Social Committee (October 19). The General Assembly adopted a resolution (November 17) disapproving the apartheid policy of the Union of South Africa. An overwhelming vote was given (November 20) in support of efforts at disarmament, largely on the basis of Soviet Russia's proposals. At the same time, France was asked to abstain from her plan to explode a bomb over the Sahara. On the next day (November 21), two resolutions were adopted in favor of the halting of nuclear weapons tests and for an international agreement to this effect. It was also decided (November 21) to maintain the UN Emergency Force on the Israeli-Egyptian border for another year. On December 5, the General Assembly voted to grant Somalia its independence on July 1, 1960. In spite of Communist opposition, the Assembly voted (December 9) to ask the withdrawal of Soviet troops from Hungary and in favor of compliance with the UN demands for admission of its representatives into that country. On December 10, another resolution was passed over Communist opposition calling for free elections in a united Korea. A resolution calling for negotiations between France and the Algerian nationalists failed to win the requisite two-thirds majority needed for adoption (December 12). But the Assembly agreed unanimously (December 12) to set up a permanent 24-nation commission to encourage and regulate the peaceful uses of outer space. The military aspects of space explorations were left outside the jurisdiction of the new committee. The Assembly adjourned on December 13.
Conclusions.
There was a noteworthy increase during the year in the number of countries participating in the great game of international politics and economics. There was an increase in the number of problems arising for consideration, discussion, and action. Above all, there was the phenomenal development of visits by statesmen of one country to those of others; whether this activity will persist only time can tell, as also only time can reveal the results of these visits. On the whole, the trend of international relations during 1959 seemed to be toward better understanding and more constructive action, with the exceptions of the problem of Israel's relations with the Arab states and the activities of Communist China in Southeast Asia. There did not appear to have been much fundamental change in the great central problem of relations between the East and West, although on the surface there were some signs of a relaxation of the 'cold war.'
